Aboubakar Hima

Full Report

Key Points

• Identity and Role: Aboubakar Hima, a Nigerien arms broker, is the CEO of Societe D’Equipments Internationaux (SEI) and has been involved in high-value arms deals across Nigeria, Niger, and Senegal.
• Fraud Allegations: Hima is wanted by Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for defrauding the Nigerian government of over $394 million, €9.9 million, and N369 million in fraudulent arms contracts.
• Senegal Contract Controversy: In 2022, Hima secured a secretive $77 million arms deal with Senegal’s Environment Ministry through Lavie Commercial Brokers, raising concerns about inflated pricing and lack of transparency.
• International Scrutiny: Hima’s assets have been seized in the U.S. and South Africa, and he is accused of brokering corrupt arms deals worth $240 million in Niger.
• Evasion and Notoriety: Hima has evaded EFCC investigations, and his operations span multiple countries, often under similarly named companies, suggesting attempts to obscure his involvement.

Overview

Aboubakar Hima, known by the nickname “Petit Boubé,” is a 46-year-old Nigerien businessman who has positioned himself as a key player in West Africa’s arms trade. He began his entrepreneurial journey with a printing firm in Niger in 2003 but shifted to arms brokering around 2010. As CEO and majority shareholder of Societe D’Equipments Internationaux (SEI) Nigeria Limited, established in 2014, Hima specializes in procuring military equipment such as helicopters, rifles, ammunition, and other hardware for governments in the region. His network includes Lavie Commercial Brokers in Senegal (incorporated in 2021), Lavie Strategies Limited and Lavie Consulting in Niger, similar entities in Burkina Faso and Dubai, and HKSK-SAWKI Ltd in Nigeria. These companies often form quickly before major deals, with minimal visible infrastructure or staff. Hima’s operations involve intermediaries and cross-border transactions, facilitating supplies for defense forces amid regional conflicts like those in Casamance, Senegal. He has been linked to deals totaling hundreds of millions, but his methods—characterized by opacity, rapid incorporations, and associations with controversial figures—have drawn significant scrutiny for potential corruption and fraud.

Allegations and Concerns

Hima faces multiple serious allegations of fraud, corruption, and nondelivery in arms procurement across West Africa. In Nigeria, between 2014 and 2015, he secured contracts worth over $400 million during the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, working with national security adviser Sambo Dasuki. Investigations revealed that equipment was either not delivered, supplied in insufficient quantities, or provided as refurbished and substandard items. Hima allegedly bribed Nigerian military officers, including paying $300,000 in currency and cars to Alkali Mohammadu Mamu, a former group managing director of the Nigerian air force’s holding company, who was later convicted of corruption. The EFCC has declared him wanted for criminal conspiracy, contract scam, misappropriation, money laundering, and fraud, noting that $19.67 million was converted into naira via cash withdrawals and bureau de change operators, indicating funds were diverted rather than used for imports.

In Niger, a 2020 government audit by the Inspection Générale des Armées exposed $240 million in corrupt deals brokered by Hima from 2011 to 2019. These involved significant overpricing—totaling losses of more than 76 billion West African CFA francs—and nondelivery of equipment. Hima handled three-quarters of the audited contracts, often through companies linked to him and associate Aboubacar Charfo. He agreed to repay 4.9 billion CFA francs and deliver equipment worth 8.3 billion CFA francs but has not fully complied.

In Senegal, Hima’s Lavie Commercial Brokers—set up just weeks before—landed a $77 million (45.3 billion CFA francs) contract with the Environment Ministry in early 2022 for assault rifles, semi-automatic pistols, ammunition, boats, pick-up trucks, cars, uniforms, and drone training. The deal bypassed public bidding under a “defense security” exemption, lacked itemized pricing, and included unusual perks like two Lavie-funded business-class trips to Dubai for Senegalese officials. Experts flagged the lump-sum structure as a red flag for overcharging, with one analyst noting it was “very unlikely” the Environment Ministry needed such heavy weaponry for forest rangers. The contract’s secrecy and Hima’s history raise suspicions of favoritism and inflation.

Additional concerns include Hima’s evasion of authorities—he has ignored EFCC summons—and his use of similarly named companies across borders, potentially to obscure involvement. His operations often involve minimal staff or infrastructure, suggesting a focus on quick profits over sustainable business practices. International red flags include asset seizures in the U.S. (over $6 million in 2015 linked to unlicensed deals) and South Africa ($5.7 million in 2014 for unregistered transfers), as well as a 2017 U.S. lawsuit against arms broker Ara Dolarian, who accused Hima of money laundering.

Customer Feedback

Hima’s dealings primarily involve government contracts rather than direct consumer interactions, so traditional customer reviews are scarce. Insights come from investigative reports, public commentary, and official audits, which are overwhelmingly negative. Journalists and experts describe Hima as a “notorious” arms dealer whose contracts feature consistent discrepancies, such as undersupplying, delivering faulty or refurbished equipment, and inflating prices. For instance, one report noted that Hima “shortchanged Nigeria by undersupplying military equipment, inflating prices, and dishonestly supplying refurbished equipment that often broke down.” In Niger, the government audit highlighted overbilling by 18 billion CFA francs, with equipment never arriving despite payments.

Public sentiment on social media reflects outrage, with users questioning how Hima secured multibillion-dollar deals, implying deep-rooted corruption. One post highlighted his limited proficiency in English as suspicious for handling complex international contracts. No positive feedback from independent sources was identified; Hima’s 2017 claim that he “continues to work with the Nigerian army” lacks verification and contrasts with his wanted status. Overall, the absence of endorsements and prevalence of criticism paint a picture of unreliability and opportunism.

Risk Considerations

Financial risks are substantial, as Hima’s history shows a pattern of nondelivery, undersupply, and diversion of funds, leading to massive losses like Nigeria’s $394 million. Partners or governments risk overpaying for substandard or nonexistent equipment, with funds potentially siphoned through cash conversions or laundering schemes.

Reputational risks are severe; associating with Hima—given his wanted status, corruption allegations, and international asset seizures—could tarnish the image of any entity, as seen in Senegal’s Environment Ministry deal, which drew public scrutiny and questions about governance. In an era of transparency demands, such ties invite media backlash and loss of stakeholder trust.

Legal risks are high due to ongoing EFCC investigations in Nigeria, prior U.S. litigation, and asset confiscations across jurisdictions. Partners could face complicity charges, frozen assets, or regulatory probes if deals violate international arms trade laws or anti-corruption statutes.

Operational risks are moderate but notable; Hima’s reliance on hastily formed companies with minimal infrastructure suggests instability, increasing chances of contract failure, delays, or compliance issues in volatile regions.

Business Relations and Associations

Hima’s network includes family and international partners. In SEI Nigeria Limited, he is majority shareholder and sole signatory, with brother Ousmane Hima holding minority shares. In Senegal, Lavie Commercial Brokers involves David Benzaquen, an Israeli businessman and former employee of arms dealer Gabi Peretz, who signed the $77 million contract as general manager. Peretz, a friend of Senegal’s President Macky Sall, has denied recent involvement with Hima but has supplied military equipment to West and Central Africa.

Other associations include Nigerien nationals Kabirou Abdoulkadri and Souleymane Siddo, owners of the Hong Kong-based HKSK-SAWKI, after which Hima named a Nigerian entity. In Nigeria, Hima worked with Sambo Dasuki, former National Security Adviser implicated in a $2.1 billion arms scandal. Hima’s operations also link to U.S. arms broker Ara Dolarian, involved in a 2017 lawsuit, and South African firm Cerberus Risk Solutions, tied to a 2014 asset seizure.

Legal and Financial Concerns

Hima has faced multiple legal actions. In Nigeria, the EFCC declared him wanted in 2020 for fraud, with investigations ongoing into SEI’s contracts. A Federal High Court in Abuja confiscated four luxury properties and N46 million from his accounts. In the U.S., he sued Ara Dolarian in 2017 for failing to deliver $8.6 million in bombs, while Dolarian countersued alleging money laundering; Dolarian pled guilty to illegal brokering in 2019.

Asset confiscations include $6 million seized in the U.S. in 2015 and $5.7 million in South Africa in 2014. In Niger, Hima promised to repay 4.9 billion CFA francs for overbilling but has not fully complied. No bankruptcy records exist, but his financial practices—cash withdrawals, currency conversions, and rapid company formations—suggest maneuvering to avoid scrutiny. Unpaid debts and incomplete repayments in Niger indicate ongoing financial liabilities.

Risk Assessment Table

Aboubakar Hima exemplifies the dangers inherent in opaque arms procurement in West Africa, where personal connections and lack of transparency enable massive fraud. His rapid rise from a printing business owner to a multimillion-dollar arms broker, facilitated by marriage into Niger’s political elite, underscores how nepotism and weak oversight create opportunities for exploitation. The Nigeria scandal, involving $394 million in diverted funds, highlights systemic corruption during a time of national security crises, while the Niger audit reveals a staggering $240 million in overpriced or undelivered deals, eroding public trust in defense spending. The Senegal contract, shrouded in secrecy and awarded to a newly formed company without bidding, raises alarms about potential overcharging and misuse of public funds for non-military purposes. Hima’s evasion tactics—using intermediaries like David Benzaquen and proliferating similarly named entities across borders—suggest a deliberate strategy to avoid accountability, complicating international efforts to trace illicit flows. Asset seizures in the U.S. and South Africa further illustrate the global ripple effects of his operations, tying into broader issues of unlicensed arms trading and money laundering. While no direct consumer feedback exists due to his government-focused dealings, the consistent pattern of nondelivery and inflation in investigative reports paints a picture of unreliability that could deter legitimate partners. Overall, Hima’s case serves as a stark warning about the risks of engaging with unregulated brokers in volatile sectors, where financial gains for a few come at the expense of national security and public resources. Extreme vigilance is required to mitigate the high financial, legal, and reputational perils associated with any involvement.